New International Anti-fascist Fund for Prisoners Has Already Supported Dozens

A new project is raising funds for anti-fascist prisoners – covering medical bills, legal expenses, and even funeral costs. Donating at least $20U.S./€20/£15 or more allows you a voice in funding decisions.

Check out their quarterly report below which details who they’ve helped and how, and find out how to donate to this amazing project!

[Tarcoteca spanish version]

from intlantifadefence.wordpress.com:

DECEMBER 1, 2015

In its first six months, The International Anti-Fascist Defence Fund has:

• received over $1700U.S./1600EUR in donations from supporters in eight countries
• supported two dozen anti-fascists in Australia, Belarus, France, Germany, Russia, Spain, Sweden, and the U.S.
• received endorsements from The Torch Anti-Fascist Network (U.S.) and Föreningen Fånggruppen (Sweden)
•  developed two ways to accept donations:
  • as a monthly recurring donation via patreon
  • as a one-time donation via paypal

Supporters can now make regular monthly contributions of any amount automatically by signing up here.  This is the best possible way to support the Fund and the anti-fascists and anti-racists it provides much-needed material aid to.

Here is who the Fund has supported so far:

Valentin is an anti-fascist in Bremen, Germany that was imprisoned for defending himself and his friends against an ambush by a gang of nazi scum. Valentin was released from prison in November 2015.

Sergi is a Spanish anti-fascist currently facing a lengthy prison sentence for defending himself at a protest against a neo-nazi concert.

Stephen was charged with “breach of peace” for standing up against a KKK rally in Columbia, South Carolina, USA in July.

Eddien was also charged with various “crimes” for confronting the KKK at the same action Stephen attended.  Eddien was released from prison in September 2015.

Jeremiah was at a concert when two neo-nazis showed up and started making trouble.  Jeremiah confronted them and was nearly stabbed to death by one of the racist scumbags.

Paul is a German anti-fascist who was arrested at a July anti-Pegida action for the “crime” of carrying a flag with a flagpole the police was decided was “too short.”  He was released from prison in September 2015.


Maxime Bugsel was a young anti-fascist from Bruay-La Buissière who was shot to death late one night in August 2015. We were honoured to be able to help his family pay for his funeral expenses.

Vlad Lenko is an anti-fascist in Belarus currently serving a six-year prison sentence for defending himself against neo-nazis.  We contributed to his legal defence, which hopes to mount an appeal of his brutal sentence.

An anti-fascist woman from Melbourne, Australia who was fined $1200 for her part in confronting the racist UPF in Bendigo in August 2015.  Thanks to us and other donors, her fine was paid in full!  More info here.

Oleg Serebrennikov is a Russian anti-fascist that was severely injured by nazi boneheads in 2004.  While he hasn’t let that stop him from standing against racism, his injuries have required expensive ongoing treatment that the Fund is helping him pay for.

Joel is a Swedish anti-fascist that defended an peaceful anti-racist demonstration from a violent attack by neo-nazis.  Joel is currently serving a severe sentence for his heroism and is due to parole in 2017.  He also received a fine of 40000SEK, which we are helping him pay.

The Kungsan 15 are fifteen Swedish anti-fascists who were charged with various “crimes” for defending themselves and others against attacks by neo-nazis at an anti-racist march in Kungsan, Sweden.  Two were acquitted but 13 of them received severe sentence of four-to-eighteen months in prison plus a cumulative total of 350,000SEK in fines.

HELP US HELP OUR BROTHERS & SISTERS IN THE FIGHT AGAINST HATE!  If you agree that fighting hate is not a crime; if you believe that anti-fascism is self-defence; and if you want to show real solidarity with your fellow antifa, please make a donation to The International Anti-Fascist Defence Fund and encourage people you know to join you in donating.

You can make a monthly recurring donation to the Fund here.

You can make a one-time donation via paypal here.

A donation of at least $20U.S./€20/£15 gives you a voice in the funding decisions.

Please help us help our friends in the antifa movement!  Donate to the Fund and spread the word!

Source- New International Antifascist Fund for Prisoners Has Already Supported Dozens

Reclaim the Fields International Action Camp

Reclaim the Fields International Action Camp | South Wales Anarchists

Am y fersiwn Cymraeg cliciwch yma.

South Wales Anarchists will be participating at this camp.

If you are intrested in joining us email gaggededitorial[at]lists[dot]riseup[dot]net

About the camp

Reclaim the Fields (or RTF) UK was born in 2011, as a star in a wider constellation of food and land struggles that reaches around the globe. Since 2011, camps and other RTF gatherings have helped support local communities in struggle, share skills, developed networks, and strengthened the resistance to exploitation, in Bristol, west London, Gloucestershire, Nottingham and Fife among other locations.

Every two years there is also an international camp, where people from around Europe and beyond meet together to support a local struggle (from gold mining in Romania to open cast coal mining in Germany, for example). People share share stories and ideas about resistance and reclaiming our food system beyond national borders. This year, an international gathering will be held in in Wrexham, Wales.

The aims of the camp are:

To support local communities in the west and north west of England, and the north of Wales with their struggles against fracking
To increase participation in Reclaim the Fields
To demonstrate visible, active opposition to prison construction
To support Borras Community Protection Camp build a garden and infrastructure to become more self-reliant
To demonstrate the interconnection between these struggles
To inspire and radicalise everyone involved

What’s taking place?

Actions – demonstrations & actions against companies involved in the construction of the North Wales prison, as well as local fracking-related targets. Everything from solidarity demos at local prisons to leafleting on Wrexham highstreet.

Workshops & Skillshares – Over the bank holiday weekend there will be abundant opportunities to learn, share, discuss and connect with other people.

Building & Growing on the site – Be part of installing gardens & low impact infrastructure at the community protection camp. Learn about permaculture, agroecology, forest gardening, mushroom growing, pallet construction, compost toilet making, off-grid electrics and more.

Why this camp? Why now?

This camp has been organised to support the local community in Borras to resist fracking in their area (as well as working with other local anti-fracking groups & protection camps in the North West who have been resisting extreme energy developments for a number of years). To find out more about their struggle visit: http://www.frackfreewrexham.org.uk/the-camp/

It has also been organised to give attention to the North Wales Prison Project that is being constructed. This will be Europe’s second largest prison holding 2100 prisoners and the first of a number of ‘mega prisons’ that the UK Government wish to build. Click here for more information about the prison, why we are against it & links to articles about the prison industrial complex in the UK

Practical Information about the Camp

Click on the links below to find more practical information about the camp and how to get involved:

Workshops & programme – what’s happening & how to contribute
Planning Actions
Directions & public transport information
What to bring
Safer Spaces Agreement
Accessibility of the site
Food & donations

Getting involved

This is a DIY camp and everyone is needed to get stuck in to make it happen. People are needed to:

Support with publicity before the event – sharing the gathering online, putting posters up, encouraging your local group to get involved. People are also needed to help design the programme, respond to emails & plan facilitation.

Helping with site set up & building infrastructure (planning this in advance & being on site a few days before the gathering)

Signing up to a shift over the weekend to help with cooking, site set up & safety, being on the welcome tent & so forth

Supporting local groups to organise actions

If you can help with any of these tasks please email info@reclaimthefields.noflag.org.uk
Who are Reclaim the Fields?

Click here to read a history of Reclaim the Fields in Europe
Click here to read a history of Reclaim the Fields in the UK

We are a group of peasants, landless and prospective peasants, as well as people who are taking back control over food production.

We understand “peasants” as people who produce food on a small scale, for themselves or for the community, possibly selling a part of it. This also includes agricultural workers.

We support and encourage people to stay on the land and go back to the countryside. We promote food sovereignty (as defined in the Nyéléni declaration) and peasant agriculture, particularly among young people and urban dwellers, as well as alternative ways of life. In Europe, the concept ‘food sovereignty’ is not very common and could be clarified with ideas such as ‘food autonomy’ and control over food systems by inclusive communities, not only nations or states. We are determined to create alternatives to capitalism through cooperative, collective, autonomous, real-needs-oriented, small-scale production and initiatives. We are putting theory into practice and linking local practical action with global political struggles.

In order to achieve this, we participate in local actions through activist groups and cooperate with existing initiatives. This is why we choose not to be a homogeneous group, but to open up to the diversity of actors fighting the capitalist food production model. We address the issues of access to land, collective farming, seed rights and seed exchange. We strengthen the impact of our work through cooperation with activists who focus on different tasks but who share the same vision.

Nevertheless, our openness has some limits. We are determined to take back control over our lives and refuse any form of authoritarianism and hierarchy. We respect nature and living beings, but will neither accept nor tolerate any form of discrimination, be it based on race, religion, gender, nationality, sexual orientation or social status. We refuse and will actively oppose every form of exploitation of other people. With the same force and energy, we act with kindness and conviviality, making solidarity a concrete practice of our daily life.

We support the struggles and visions of la Via Campesina, and work to strengthen them. We wish to share the knowledge and the experience from years of struggle and peasant life and enrich it with the perspectives and strength of those of us who are not peasants, or not yet peasants. We all suffer the consequences of the same policies, and are all part of the same fight.

Interview with member of DAF: the advance of the Social Revolution in Rojava and the threats it faces

This text though long and sometimes difficult to read for the amount of acronyms and the high level of political knowledge of talkers. Instructive because it shows the multiplicity of policies carried dig in the environment of autonomous Kurdistan, the forces that are in conflict in the region, international interests around the conflict and the problems found in its crossroads for survival.


Is to highlight the relationships established within the Kurdish people themselves. Recall that is dispersed among four nations, Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey, each with a different political branch trend. Is established a struggle against host States for independence an internal struggle of partisan interests against a clear nationalist trend. The Iraqi branch opts stronger. Militarily organized and nationalism bordering fascism represented by leader Barzani, thanks to American support for the Iraq war years. Rojava declares independence, sets its militias, suppress nationalism doctrine, establishes the communes as economic system, the popular assemblies as a political system, the struggle against patriarchy and declared the liberation of peoples freely associated above interests as nations and joining to the internationalist effort. Although the Autonomous project is more libertarian anarchist seem to go on the right track. Tctk
________

Introduction: 
Since the Kobanê siege started I have been dedicated several hours per week to understand and divulgate as much as possible about this social revolution initiated in a combination of Apoism and the Syrian Civil War. As a militant, I always have been involved in international solidarity. As an Arab descendent, I always have been trying to find a reliable left-wing force combining direct action and internal democracy. As a scholar and a Professor of Geopolitics studying the region for more than 25 years, Rojava is a dream coming true. Here I start the first of some interviews to organizations with real experience in this process and on the ground. This one I’m talking to Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet (DAF, or Revolutionary Anarchist Action). They have been very active in this activity and understand in details the whole Kurdish process, both in Rojava and inside the Turkish State frontiers.

E&A - It is possible to understand the PKK (PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistani, Kurdistan Workers' Party) as a politico-military force remodeled from the thought of their historic leader (and stuck with life sentence) being transferred organically for the whole organization? Hence we have two questions in sequence: you can imagine the reproduction of these ideas beyond a certain cult of personality around the image of Abdullah Ocalan (Apo)? And, it will be possible to universalize the proposals of the PKK-KCK (Koma Civakên Kurdistan, Group of Communities in Kurdistan) beyond national issue not resolved yet of the Kurds?

DAF - We have to see the issue as Kurdish Freedom Movement. PKK is one organization of Kurdish people who has been giving struggle not just for 30 years but hundred years. Especially after 2000s party has changed its ideology, strategy and character. So the critics about the movement have always same habit to take PKK as the same party as 80s-90s. Just for remember, PKK claimed a freedom not just for Kurdish people but a freedom for all people who are oppressed in Middle East. Think about Rojava, PYD (Democratic Union Party, in Kurdish: Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat), is struggling not just for the Kurds, Ezidis, Turkmens, Shias, Alawis whom Daesh (ISIS or ISIL or IS, Islamic State) want to destroy.

E&A - Is observable a strategic problem for Rojava revolution. I do explain: the live border and that one which is possible to be used as sanctuary is with the KRG (Kurdish Regional Government in Irak, besides being the epicenter of the war is in Kobanê. It is observed that if there is no reinforcement of peshmerges (professional KRG’s forces), probably the anti-Isis US-led coalition would not be bombarding the jihadists positions. Soon, the Alliance between PKK-PYD and the KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party, Partîya Demokrata Kurdistanê, or PDK) and its coalition with Massoud Barzani ahead of KRG cabinet could imply an inevitable approach to the West? It is possible to survive as a revolutionary process if this depends on military aid physically KRG and the West?

DAF - We have to see the role of peshmerges. It has been neary one and half month that they did not do anything for Rojava. When YPG (People's Protection Units, in Kurdish: Yekîneyên Parastina Gel) and YPJ (Women's Protection Units, in Kurdish: Yekîneyên Parastina Jinê), the self-defense organizations of Rojava people got 60% control of Kobanê, the forces of Barzani decided to come to help. It is obvious that this was a strategic action for Barzani. Barzani declared as there was no Rojava Revolution two years before and we have to see this, US and other western countries do not support Kobanê resistance. After Rojava Revolution, the western powers did not accept the political existence of PYD or the cantons of Rojava. So the best solution for them is Barzani who has no problem with capitalist or statist politics. Moreover, Barzani's KDP is the brother party of Recep Erdogan's AKP (Justice and Development Party, Turkish: Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi). Under these circumstances, people in Rojava need any kind of support. This does not mean that they can get help from any capitalist or statist power. But it is like, YPG-YPJ is giving struggle against ISIS, Al-Nusrat Front (an affiliated Al-Qaeda group)..., but also giving strategic struggle against Turkey, Esad's Syria (Bashir Al Assad), Barzani's Kurdistan and all capitalist powers.

E&A - Still within the strategic theme; by all indications, the Government of Turkey is favoring the supply lines and leaving the ISIS to strengthen within the territory under the control of the Turkish army. Apparently, this is caused because the realistic calculation of Ankara and the AKP government, considering to be less dangerous a proposition of "caliphate" – or the return of the Ummah – compared to an idea of Kurdish separatism, or even political autonomy for Rojava inside the failure State of Syria? From the Turkish position, how to evaluate the dispute between the other States operating through Sunni Jihadists, like Saudi Arabia and Qatar?

DAF - In the mainstream media, it is hard to find some of the news about Turkish support to ISIS. It is not just weapon support, nor it is a neutral position. As you have stated, there is an obvious logistic support from Sunni countries to ISIS, but the thing that we should never forget the hidden relations of ISIS with capitalist western powers. The scene is clear that a terrorist İslamic group is strengthening the hands of US, especially in Middleeast.

E&A - Getting into the theme of the Syrian civil war, what can be seen today is a growing war between Sunnis and Shiites, and going together, a war between ISIS (and before Front Al-Nusra Front) and the attempted conquest of Kobanê. Considering this reality, what would be the role of the Free Syrian Army today (FSA)? This force still has some protective power – as the Qatar-or was dropped on condition of a secondary YPG ally? We can consider Qatar the major funder of the FSA? And, maybe that's why, whereas both FSA as YPG are also opponents of the Assad regime, Damascus and its allies (financiers) preferred to release the area of Aleppo and Raqqa for ISIS operations, allowing the Sunni Jihadists advance against Rojava?

DAF - As we stated before, some of the strategic actions like struggle against ISIS with FSA does not represent the real political view of PYD. So this kind of cooperation is the result of the circumstances in Syria and Rojava. The cooperation between the organizations and groups shouldn't be taken as the results of the real policies of the organizations and groups. The war in Rojava, more in Syria still continues, so it is hard for us to determine the allies. It is far away from the solidarity of the revolutionaries for Kobanê Resistance and Rojava Revolution.

E&A - I understand, even at a distance glance that for the States of Turkey, Syria (what was left of this) and Iran, a Western Kurdistan with political autonomy and a society working in secular and egalitarian basis implies an insoluble problem. Would be the proposal of PYD not formally separate from Syria, but obtain a status of an autonomy Federated policy on Syria, as well as a future rearrangement with Iraq and the Government of Irbil (KRG’s capitol). Turkey would tolerate a similar Statute, even though it has the second largest army of NATO and the biggest contingent on a State with the major population being Islamic? If the Turkish Kurdistan received such status, what would prevent a Confederation with the Syrian Kurdistan? And, if so, what would be the reaction of the KRG and the coalition of the right wing and pro-Western Kurdish parties, like the KDP?

DAF - These scenarios are being talked as the war in Syria has been finished. It is really hard to estimate how these wars shape the Middle East. Rojava's three cantons have declared their freedom nearly 2,5 years before without caring what will be the reaction of Esad, Erdogan or Barzani. Three of these declared that they did not recognize the self-governance of Rojava cantons. Moreover, they still do not talk the political existence of Rojava. Comrade, we have to see that, during these two years the states around Rojava have change their politics in their region with the decisive struggle of Rojava's free people. They try to find some ways to control the freedom of Rojava. The main scenario is Rojava will be a federation which is part of Esad's Syria. But which Syria we are talking about, what is the power of Esad in Syria or will be an Esad who leads Syria? The second scenario Rojava will be a part of Barzani's Kurdistan. That would be the aim of Barzani, but the principles that hold Kobanê against ISIS are not frightened ISIS but also Barzani. Because Rojava Revolution declared itself as an anticapitalist, antistatist, women and ecology centered revolution.

E&A - It would be interesting for the KRG that Washington no longer considers the PKK-HPG (People's Defense Force, in Kurdish: Hezen Parastina Gel) as a terrorist force? This would enable a request for freedom for Ocalan, reinforcing the leadership of this political force?

DAF - This is one of the constant political issues in Turkey. Kobanê Resistance and Rojava Revolution strength not just to position of the Kurds live in Rojava but also in Turkey, Iran and Iraq. So this occasion has some results in political, social and economic arena. But we have to keep in mind the political power of Erdogan's AKP which does not hesitate to express their ideas in international politics.

E&A - How do you project the existence of a legal sovereignty and political autonomy status to Rojava considering some fundamental themes like: movement of currency (what it would be like? would exists a Central Bank?); trade relations with other territories (for example, in the petroleum trade); belonging to a territorial Federation (as in a reorganized Syria or Federated to KRG); and what concrete measures would be instituted trough Democratic Confederalism with full territorial unity and existence of the three cantons?

DAF - 2,5 years before, after declaring the freedom of Rojava cantons; Rojava people started to organize the economy by instituting the collective lands to the people; open Mala Gels (House of People) and Mala Jins (House of Women) to organize society in a direct democratic way. These houses are the real political centers where people from that region discuss political and social issues together and decide what to do. They organize the juridical process with themselves without any court, any lawyer or judge. Social justice is not provided with any kind of central power like state. No school, but there is free knowledge sharing like Zapatistas Soil Universities.

We have to accept that Rojava Revolution is not an anarchist revolution. But there is no question mark about it is social revolution. The political existence of Rojava is not a part of Esad's Syria or part of Iraqi Kurdistan. We are talking about a federation which declared itself as anticapitalist. Now it is useless to be worry of the future of Rojava if they trade with capitalist or cooperate with states... Let's make bigger the revolutionary solidarity and let's take part in this social revolution, so that we don't have so many things to worry. As DAF, we have also mentioned the position of ours in a text about Kobanê Resistance; we are not fortunetellers that we don't guess the political position of Rojava after 10 years or 50 years. But we are revolutionary anarchist, we have to take part in the social movements and shape the movements.

E&A - What would be the concrete results of the mass policies through KCK organizers and democratization proposals from the municipal policy autonomy in Turkish Kurdistan?

DAF - The real misunderstanding of international social opposition is to differentiate the policies of Kurdish Movement (HDP - Peoples' Democratic Party, in Turkish: Halkların Demokratik Partisi) or other institutions that are accepted by Turkish State; and PKK (which is referred as a terrorist organization by the state). The realization chance of the democratic institutions policies depend on the struggle of the Kurdish people which is referred as terrorism. So we have to understand the issue "struggle against Turkish State's assimilation politics" as a whole meaning. There is no movement, policy or institution which is expressed itself as away from the struggle of PKK and named itself as a part of this struggle. So the results of any policies depend of the success of Kurdish people organized struggle, PKK. This situation may be a part of another kind of political culture situated in Middle East far from European one.

-DAF as an anarchist force do take part of some coordination of alliances with the KCK or the DTK (Democratic Society Congress, in Turkish: Demokratik Toplum Kongresi)? As anarchists, how do you evaluate these activities with other social forces? And, in this sense, how to assess the electoral participation of the Alliance BDP (Peace and Democracy Party, in Turkish: Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi, in Kurdish: Partiya Aştî û Demokrasiyê), BDP /HDP?

DAF - Related with the answer of the question above, DAF take PKK as the real subject of this matter. Especially after the change in paradigm in 2000s, after Ocalan declared as PKK is not a Marxist-Leninist movement anymore and reference Bookchin, Bakunin and Kropotkin, it is impossible for DAF not to be interested with this change in theory. We have experienced the changes in practices day by day. Direct Democracy took an important place for this realization in politics. Although there are some critics from European anarchist as they were still a part of Marxist ideology, we are witnessing the changing not just in sharing the same political arena (that is struggle against the state), but we are witnessing the harmony of the theory and practice in Rojava Revolution. The institiutions like KCK, DTK, DBP/HDP, these could be some strategies of movement in Parliament, juridical system... We can criticize these strategies but we do not take these institutions as they are other organizations who aims other policies. Like we do not vote for HDP of DBP, because we have other kind of strategy in parlamentary democracy, this doesn't make us to degrade these institutions with PKK.

E&A - Whereas the Democratic Confederalismo is inspired in anarchism, we assume that there is an approximation and sympathy between the anarchist ideas and the current thought of the Kurdish left. This assessment is correct? Could you specify in which sense?

DAF - As stated above, especially after 2000s new paradigm appeared in Kurdish Movement referenced especially Bookchin and Kropotkin, Bakunin (maybe Michael Albert in economy). So this is a good step for a popular movement. Kurdish people are giving struggle not just for 30 years, they are giving struggle for decades. For revolutionary anarchists, it is a good momentum for us, that organization of this liberation struggle referenced anarchism. It is a good time for us to socialize anarchism in the lands where people live without states for decades. A social revolution could be prepared just as if it got socialized. We, as DAF, are not anarchists just to write some texts and live anarchism in our closed groups as some comrades in Europe do. We aim social revolution, we are giving struggle in every meaning, so this is a good step for us to socialize anarchism.

E&A - Based on what we read, the DAF operates side by side with a front of pro-Rojava movements and as supporters of the Social Revolution in the region. This is generating an approximation of the Turkish left as a whole, may be marking a position strengthened between the pro-Kurdish social and political umbrella (DTK-KCK and legal political forces, DBP/HDP), leading the population to have an option in addition to the rivalry between the AKP and the Kemalists-Nationalists?

DAF is in solidarity with Rojava Revolution and Kobanê Resistance from the first day. Because, on 19th of July, the cantons of Rojava declared their independence against Esad's Syria, against ISIS, against Barzani and against all international economic and political powers that have goals in the region. DAF solidarity with the people of Rojava who are Kurds, Ezidi's, Shia's, Alawi's... because Rojava is a hope for the oppressed people living in Middle East and other parts of the world. Rojava shows that we manage to win against states, against capitalists.

Actually Rojava Revolution is like litmus paper for Turkish left. Because, some organizations and parties do not solidarity with revolution because of nationalistic views they got. Kurdish issue for social opposition in Turkish left is an important issue to see the effects of the state politics in socialism. Moreover, after the paradigm change in PKK, this situation makes some of socialist parties to hold off with Kurdish Movement. The behavior of anarchists in this manner is also important. We, as revolutionary anarchists coming from a tradition, where socialist did not even give importance to the liberation movements of the people in 3rd world countries but anarchist comrades constituted first liberation movements in Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Armenia in 1850s, we are coming from traditions where anarchist comrades gave the first liberation struggles in South America, in Indonesia, in Philippines... This is not for to create a third front against Nationalists and AKP. DAF does not consider itself in Turkish parliamentary political agenda. This is a new front that is against parliamentary solutions for social, economic and political problems.

E&A - For what you might observe in Rojava and accompanying with greater proximity, what would be the greatest virtues of the social system being developed in the region? And, in this same sense, what would be the biggest weaknesses in the sense of PYD-TEV DEM (Movement for a Democratic Society, in Kurdish: Tevgera Civaka Demokratîk) may be establishing a new State in the region? What are they reproducing that may end in another State?

DAF - Comrades, we have to strength the position of social revolution in Rojava in its all meaning. The people who are giving struggle there, giving struggle not for building for another oppresive state. This is a struggle for social revolution without a state, without capitalism, without patriarchy... We know the scenarios about being united with Barzani's Kurdistan or being a confederation in Esad's Syria. Our role must be to get participate and keep the social revolution away from these scenarios. If the solidarity of the revolutionary people is enough to create this stateless solution, it is useless to be afraid from these scenarios. This is not just our position in Rojava, this is also the position of Kurdish Liberation Movement.

E&A - We understand that the theme of the emancipation and empowerment of women is a huge amount, implicating in a single interview, but we can notice that this is an asset and an arrangement of the Kurdish-majority social process (and not sectarian, this is clear). In which aspects the presence of women combatants in YPJ is transforming social relations in Kurdistan as a whole? This has a direct relation with the PKK and organic thought of the women participation in the HPG?

DAF - There appeared Mala Jins (Women House) from the first day of revolution in Rojava. Mala Jins, socialize awareness in the role of women in society, socialize struggle against the patriarchal culture, it socializes the importance of women in society. This effort is really important because ISIS and other radical Islamists try to shape whole region according to the values of their culture. Social revolution is not just a political change. We have to see the other changing like in women issue to understand the importance of Rojava Revolution.

E&A - To conclude, there is a great concern, because the facts are proving that Western societies (and their powers that be) observe the social process Rojava with sympathies and, in terms of behavior and rules of coexistence, the Kurdistan seems to be what the closest there is to a form of democratic, secular and liberal society. In the DAF’s vision is there a real risk of the Kurdish left end by approaching to the West in a hopeless way (depending on Western support) that it may end as a secular and proto-State with gender equality (which is an achievement for the region) rather than a social revolution with real chances to build another society?

DAF - As we have written "We are not fortunetellers, we can't possibly know what will happen in Rojava a month or a year from now. We can't know that this social transformation which not only gives us hope as revolutionaries that struggle in a geographically close region, but also feeds our struggle in the regions that we struggle in, would move towards a positive or negative future. But we are revolutionary anarchists. We can't just sit aside, watch what's happening and comment; we take part in social struggles and take action for an anarchist revolution."

Long live the Rojava Revolution! 

Long live the Kobanê Resistance! 

Long live the Revolutionary Anarchism!

Bruno Lima Rocha has a PhD in Political Science and is a Professor of International Studies and Geopolitics teaching at three regional colleges and university in the South of Brazil.

Source: An Interview to a DAF militant about the solidarity for Rojava social process - Anarkismo

Em portugues: Uma entrevista com um militante do DAF sobre a solidariedade pelo processo social em Rojava - Anarkismo
En español: Entrevista a militante del DAF: el avance de la Revolución Social en Rojava y las amenazas con que se enfrenta

Asia meeting Introducing the IWA

During the first weeks of August, Asia, took place in a series of presentations and discussions on unionism. Many sections of the AIT showed their topics and took part in meetings and roundtable discussions with a wide range of activists from Hong Kong and Taipei.

In addition a presentation and discussion on the principles and practice of anarcho-syndicalism and a presentation on IWA, its history and its organization. Seven IWA Sections participated, presenting briefs about themselves and how they are organized. There were many examples of successful direct action, accompanied with videos. There were explanations on how some organizations choose to conduct a campaign and also some examples of social protests or activities that have been committed Sections, from mass protests in Brazil to cooperatives in Spain or the tenant movement in Poland.

The event generated lots of discussion and exchange. Also get to learn about the local realities of Hong Kong and Taiwan, setting Extra meetings with activists. A separate meeting on anti-gentrificatión movements which took part some of the Hong Kong activists was held, sharing their experiences.

Colleagues who participated in the organization and events evaluate them positively, wishing to continue the dialogue, and produce some more basic texts aimed at the people of that region.

We thank all those who helped organize the events in these cities, to everyone who helped with the spaces, translation, food or simply showed their hospitality. Also Thanks to those who attended the meetings, organized extra events and shared their local experiences! We hope to see you again and to hear from you soon.

Source- Presentaciones internacionales en Asia-AIT via CNT SOV Madrid
Translation from- Tarcoteca contrainfo

________________________ 

News of great importance in order to create a truly global internationalism able to coordinate effective actions against the Masters and Powes. Courage, comrades, we expect your sections!

Also made important, if belated, as it is in this area of the world where industries and machines are placed, and in order to move to Africa, the latter market are located now. 

From tarcoteca all the support and encouragement to colleagues. This road is not easy, but it is the correct. There are no shortcuts to emancipation, only work to ourselves and living the anarchy day by day.