Lorenzo, Orso, Tekoser. Anarchico morto per la libertà

Fonte - Lorenzo, Orso, Tekoser. Anarchico morto per la libertà – anarres-info 20.3.2019

Lorenzo Orsetti, nome di battaglia Tekoser, è stato ucciso in un’imboscata durante la battaglia di Teghuz. Sarebbe presto tornato in Italia, ma ha voluto esserci per affrontare quest’ultima roccaforte dell’ISIS.

Teghuz è circondata, molti si sono arresi ma un nucleo di circa 1500 soldati dello Stato Islamico ha deciso di combattere sino alla fine.
Lorenzo era uno dei tanti volontari accorsi in Siria per difendere il confederalismo democratico in Rojava e per combattere l’Isis.

“Ciao, se state leggendo questo messaggio è segno che non sono più a questo mondo. Beh non rattristatevi più di tanto, mi sta bene così; non ho rimpianti, sono morto facendo quello che ritenevo più giusto, difendendo i più deboli e rimanendo fedele ai miei ideali di giustizia, uguaglianza e libertà”, si legge nella lettera firmata Orso, Tekoser, Lorenzo.
Lorenzo era anarchico e combatteva in un battaglione di anarchici. Oggi viene onorato da tutti, persino dal Ministro dell’Interno, lo stesso ministro che, se Lorenzo fosse tornato vivo dalla Siria, lo avrebbe trattato da delinquente.

La prossima settimana il tribunale di Torino deciderà sulla richiesta di sorveglianza speciale per cinque volontari torinesi, considerati socialmente pericolosi, per aver appreso l’uso delle armi.
Gli anarchici qualche volta diventano eroi ma solo da morti, quando l’ultimo sfregio che si può fare loro è annebbiarne la memoria falsificandola. In questo, i macellai dello Stato Islamico, che gli hanno imposto l’etichetta di “crociato” e i politici italiani, che mettono la sordina sulla sua storia e lo usano per le loro crociate, sono fatti della stessa pasta.

Ne abbiamo parlato con con Paolo “Pachino” Andolina, già membro delle formazioni di autodifesa in Siria, uno dei cinque torinesi che rischiano di diventare sorvegliati speciali. Paolo ha conosciuto Lorenzo in Siria e sa che la promessa reciproca di rivedersi in Italia non potrà essere mantenuta.
Lorenzo per sua volontà sarà seppellito lì dove ha vissuto e combattuto nell’ultimo anno e mezzo.

Numerose iniziative per ricordare Lorenzo e la sua lotta sono in cantiere.
A Firenze il prossimo 31 marzo è stata lanciata una manifestazione nazionale.
A Torino, il 25 marzo alle 8,30 presidio davanti al tribunale di Torino per l’udienza per la sorveglianza speciale, alle 17 presidio in piazza Castello per Orso, Tekoser, Lorenzo

Ascolta la diretta con Paolo:

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Posted in anticlericale, Inform/Azioni, internazionale, torino.

IFA call for solidarity with DAF in Turkey & Kurdistan

Source: IFA call for solidarity with DAF in Turkey & Kurdistan 24.10.2016

Since the coup in Turkey and the imposition of the state of emergency, we have seen increased repression of many groups and movements operating there. This is not only aimed at the organizers of the coup, but a wide repression of democratic, socialist, Kurdish groups and including our anarchist comrades of the DAF (Devrimci Anarsist Faaliyet / Revolutionary Anarchist Action).

On two occasions, in 2010 and 2012, DAF has already been investigated by the state as a terror organization but these cases were dropped. Now, because of the state of emergency, the ability of DAF to organize is even more difficult. Their newspaper Meydan has been closed down and three new investigations have been started. This has also had serious economic impact for DAF.

In recent years DAF has been involved in many struggles including Gezi Park and supporting the Kurdish revolutionary process in Rojava and Bakur including refugee support. They are involved in workers’ and youth movement activities, ecological actions and anti-militarism, opposing patriarchy and supporting the LGBTI movement, and have been developing practices of collective living and economy and self-organisation.

IFA has already been involved in the solidarity movement with Rojava in many respects and in close cooperation with DAF. Now, due to the changed situation in Turkey, we must expand our support to DAF in more concrete ways. We also have to be vigilant of the real possibility of increased repression of DAF and the wider anarchist movement in the region and to be able to respond rapidly with strong solidarity actions. IFA is committed to this and we call on all friendly organizations to join us and also provide financial solidarity to DAF.

To support the call for solidarity & concrete support, you can contact the IFA secretariat

secretariat [at] i-f-a.org

DAF website: anarsistfaaliyet.org

KJA – Congress of Free Women call for 8th March (Kurdistan)

Source- 8-March-invitatıon.pdf seen at 325.nostate.net, 8.2.2016

Dear Women from all around the World; With great legacy inherited from world’s women movement, the women’s freedom struggle in Kurdistan build over great sacrifices continue to advance against male dominated mentality in the last 40 years. We call on all women from around the world to join us in solidarity and raise the common struggle together this 8th of March; on the day of resistance and struggle of women.

Today, the state of Turkey carries out a brutal massacre and adopted measures of destruction targeting especially women’s will and bodies against the perspective of democratic nations and the emerging self-government areas based on the strong will for equality and freedom. This March of 8th, we would like to stand against these attacks of the state of Turkey with common and joint dynamism of women’s organizations from all around the World.

We, women from KJA, will be commemorating the traditional İnternational Women’s Day of Struggle and Solidarity with series of activities and action between March 1st and 8th. Last year we organized various events and activities in 240 different district and towns. With the growing resistance and struggle we will commemorate 8th of March with even more enthusiasm.

As KJA; we dedicate this 8th of March to the glorious resistance of women all around the world and in particular to three Kurdish comrades Seve, Pakize and Fatma massacred in Silopi on January 5th 2016 and to all women who lost their lives in self-governance resistance.

This year’s 8th of March will be launched under the slogan of “We are constructing autonomy, marching towards the revolution with the spirit of resistance of Sakine, Ekin, Seve!”. A week long program of commemoration will start on March 1st in Silopi and will be finalized on 8th of March in Diyarbakır. We invite all our friends to join us in our week long program of activities and action in accordance with the spirit of resistance of the era planned to take place in 100s of different districts and towns.

In this context, we invite a representative from your organization to join us in our program of activities between March 1st and 8th to greet and show solidarity with women’s resistance in Kurdistan. We would appreciate greatly your written and visual messages of solidarity unless you are able to attend. We will ensure that the messages of solidarity will be shared with women of Kurdistan and all around the world through the meetings and the media.

Long live women’s solidarity!
Long live 8th of March!
Kongreya Jinen Azad - KJA Free Women’s Congress

_________________
Announsment in turkish: http://jinha.com.tr/TUM-HABERLER/content/view/46108 26.2.2016
https://twitter.com/2015KJABASIN/status/703155663183085569 26.2.2016
Tarcoteca spanish translation: http://tarcoteca.blogspot.co.uk/2016/02/convocatoria-iinternacional-kja.html

Solidarity Manifesto: For the victory of the turkish and kurdish popular resistance movements

We support the manifesto promoted by several Iberian libertarian organizations in support of the Kurdish autonomous regions. Our suspicion by organizing an army is as large as our desire to see an independent and libertarian region. Respect and encouragement to those who fight! 

To the Victory!

Source- http://www.alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/34849 and 
tarcoteca spanish version

As it is already known, turkish Kurdistan (Bakur in kurdish language) has being living a low profile war for several weeks. It is a conflict between, on one side, the turkish state – ruled by the nationalist and the president Recep Erdogan islamist party AKP – and the kurdish people and turkish left on the other side. 

The conflict began under the false pretext of fighting the Islamic State IS, that as it is known it's been years it operates from Turkey, with the complicity of the turkish state. Therefore, these operations against the jihadists have turned into an open war against all the leftist opposition, both turkish and kurdish.

The groups and collectives that sign this document condemn the repression against those towns, districts and communities that refuse to live under an indignant oppressive regime. 

We are inspired by a truly respect for the capacity of the kurdish and turkish popular movements to carry out a brave resistance, able not only of striking back the attacks of the turkish armed forces but also to set up a popular self-government, everywhere they can do. In this sense there are several towns, villages and districts that have announced the people's self-government as Varto, Silopi, Silvan, Cirze, Semdinli, Dogubayazit... and some other places that are ruled by a people that refuses to recognise the authority of AKP government, that wants to change the Constitution to hand full power to president Erdogan.

We note that those self-governments are not necessarily meant to remain in time, and are very conscious that their challege will be angrily answered by the turkish state. Those self-governments in some places are popular assemblies, in other BDP and HDP political parties, in other HPG, the kurdish liberation movement guerrillas or in other, as in the rebel neighbourhood in Istambul, Gazi, the same local left revolutionary movement who boosts the counterpower as far as it may be possible. All those examples, and many others, talks loud of what does it mean to be a strong and organised people in every level.

We believe that their exemple of struggle and dignity must be claimed on the same way by the european left as does with other better known historical events. The conflict has turned into a generalization of local counterpowers that rule their own territory, with the potentiality this implies.

A way to be solidary is spreading news about the massacres the turkish government is committing against the people as well as denouncing its alliance with the Islamic State. 

We must protest about that as much as we can, and also support humanitarian efforts to that area, refuge of hundreds of thousand people who are running away from the Iraq and Syria wars and who are right now crossing to Greece, therefore creating an scandal in a blind Europe before the serious problems its own imperialist politics of the last years is bringing. 

Finally, we shoud support the present situation of popular power that we wish it may spread to new areas, as well as we support the hunger strike of the kurdish political prisoners in the turkish prisons.

Signer organizations:

• Embat (Catalunya political organization)
• Rojava Azadi (Madrid internacionalistic solidarity)
• Regeneración Libertaria (Spanish State Social project)
• Federación Estudiantil Libertaria (Spanish State Students organization)
• Assemblea Llibertària del Vallès Oriental (Catalunya Libertarian colective)
• Comitè de Suport al Kurdistan de Granollers i comarca (internacionalistic solidarity, Catalunya)
• Can Tonal de Vallbona (Catalunya Social project)

See Self- guberment kurdish areas map

See Manifesto in other lenguages

CNT Statement: Solidarity with all those fighting against authoritarianism and autocracy in Turkey and Kurdistan

Source: En solidaridad con todos los que luchan contra el autoritarismo y la autocracia en Turquía y el Kurdistán- Confederación Nacional del Trabajo CNT

Indignation has take the streets of Turkey after the suicide bombing outrage from the fundamentalist murderers of Daesh (ISIS, Islamic State) in Suruç, and the following cynical, shameful and criminal attitude adopt by the Turkish government. Them mass demonstrations and violent clashes in almost all Turkish cities, from Istanbul to the Kurdish areas, expresing the anger of a population that rebels against the bonds of complicity, increasingly evident, that joined the Erdogan's government to the Al Baghdadi's Caliphate. The official response has been swift: arrest of hundreds of Kurdish and leftist militants, bombing PKK positions in Iraq and the YPG in northern Syria and, in general, a violence that finish with the peace process and the ceasefire in force these last years. No mistake, that some of the air raids and arrests have been directed against the Daesh and their supporters in no way means that these are the main objectives of the offensive. If anything, these are only excuses for the cynical attitude of the Turkish government, whose response to the slaughter of Suruç is to mob the victims support groups and arrest the relatives of the deceased. 85% of those arrested following the attack are members of pro-Kurdish or leftist groups, the remaining 15% are salfists. What it was once a suspect is now a shouted secret: the State and the Turkish Government collaborate with Daesh in their fight against the secular and revolutionary forces in Turkey and Kurdistan.

On the one hand, the 32 deaths and dozens of injuries among the brigadist who gathered in Suruç to address the reconstruction of Kobanî are a clear message to all laics and progressive sectors of the Muslim world: for religious fundamentalists, all who defend freedom against the imposition deserves death.

Ultimately, beyond any ethnic or religious excuse, the Caliphate is nothing but the cultural form of the totalitarian state, in its most barbaric and intolerant version. Call Nazi or fascist to the Daesh would be an anachronism. But as pointed out by several authors, the model of the caliphate is not as much a proper medieval regime as a twentieth century totalitarian dictatorship, dressed with a theocratic garb.

On the other hand, it is precisely on this matter why the Turkish Government finds more affinities with Daesh tham with the laics and liberal sectors of the country, especially considering its own authoritarian drift to dictatoship, more pronounced as lost more supports. So that is more concerned with the establishment of an opposition movement in Turkey and Kurdistan than with crimes against humanity committed by the Salafists. Genocide, child and teenagers from ethnic minorities sexual slavery, summary executions, with the cruelest methods, torture, persecution of homosexuals, repression of women. In general all kind of atrocities that comes with unbridled state power and schizophrenic-theocratic doesn't seem to concern the Turkish State as much as the establishment of free zones in northern Syria and its relationship with the rebellious left-wing opposition in Turkey itself.

The situation in the Middle East can not be explained as a clash between Arab and Western, Christian and Muslim, or between ethnic Kurds and Turks, although these aspects are also present. Not surprisingly, the suicide of Suruç was as Kurdish as any YPG militiaman that send Daesh minions to rot in hell every day. And finally, all they are Sunni Muslims, as the units of the Free Syrian Army, fighting in Rojava against both Daesh and Al-Assad's sirian dictatorship, even though they had less importance to the cosporate media. What is now disputing in Turkey and Rojava it is rather a civil war between supporters of a theocratic dictatorship, a totalitarian state model adapted to the cultural and historical characteristics of the area, and the enemies of religious imposition. It is a repeated pattern in many Muslim societies, but in no case the confrontation is so bitter and violent as here. If we add the revolutionary and anti-state content within the democratic confederalism defended by YPG militias in northern Syria, we understand why the Turkish government is more scare with such own internal opposition and the establishment of liberated zones across its border tham with the suicidal and beheaders caliphate fanatics army. An armed people that conquers its freedom is the worst nightmare of any state.

Beyond any differences that may have and without falling into idealizations, CNT reaffirms its commitment to freedom and against fanaticism and authoritarianism and sends a fraternal and libertarian hug to those who face every day the bombs and bullets of terrorist states to defend imposition-free areas, which are also ours. The blood of the martyrs of Suruç, of protesters killed by Turkish police and militiawoman and menthat face fundamentalism every day is the same that beat in our hearts with libertarian longing. Their sacrifice also builds our freedom and we are eternally grateful to them. His victories are ours. A strong embrace of solidarity, fellows.

For the CNT-AIT

Foreign secretary

The following is the statement of DAF (Revolutionary Anarchist Action, Turkish libertarian group that supports the fight in northern Syria) on the slaughter of Suruç. We endorse his words and indignation.

PRESS PARTNERS OF DAF (Revolutionary anarchist action - TURKEY)

July 21, 2015.

OUR ANGER our sadness, Kobanî will be rebuilt!

Yesterday, about 300 people from different cities, came together under the call of the of Socialist Youth Asoci Federation to rebuild Kobanî, a city that tried to be sacked by the Islamic State. Today, arriving in Suruç (Pîrsus in Kurdish), just before departing for Kobanî, these young people made a press statement in front of the Amara Suruç (Pîrsus) Cultural Center. At the end of the press release, a bomb exploded amid the crowd, silencing many hearts had been beating in the hope of reconstruction.

According to information gathered until today, 31 people died and hundreds were injured in the blast. After the explosion today, from the Suruç (Pîrsus) hospitals we hear the names of the fallen. Those who came from different cities, those with high hopes in their hearts, are now fallen under the objective of the murderers.

People have taken to the streets in order to account for the death of the fallen, those waiting outside hospitals are threatened by TOMA (water turret vehicles) and the police who came to the Amara Cultural Center, before ambulances. In Mersin, in Siirt, in İstanbul ... people coming out to the streets is threatened with being massacred by the murderer State, through the of murderers collaborators.

Those who have killed many lives, starting the first day of Kobanî Resistance, are now trying to demoralize us by killing our brothers.

We are trying to rebuild a new life against ISIS (Islamic State), against the state collaborating with ISIS, against the war policy of the state that never ends. No matter what the cost, even with our pain and our anger, we will rebuilt Kobanî and recreate life in this sacked geography.

(Today Alper Sapan, of the Anarchist Initiative Eskişehir, was killed in the attack. And a friend called Evrim Deniz Erol was severely wounded)

Biji Berxwedana Kobanî! / Long live the resistance Kobanî!

Biji Şoreşa Rojava! / Long live the Revolution Rojava.

Anarchist action Revolucionariad (DAF)

Interview with member of DAF: the advance of the Social Revolution in Rojava and the threats it faces

This text though long and sometimes difficult to read for the amount of acronyms and the high level of political knowledge of talkers. Instructive because it shows the multiplicity of policies carried dig in the environment of autonomous Kurdistan, the forces that are in conflict in the region, international interests around the conflict and the problems found in its crossroads for survival.


Is to highlight the relationships established within the Kurdish people themselves. Recall that is dispersed among four nations, Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey, each with a different political branch trend. Is established a struggle against host States for independence an internal struggle of partisan interests against a clear nationalist trend. The Iraqi branch opts stronger. Militarily organized and nationalism bordering fascism represented by leader Barzani, thanks to American support for the Iraq war years. Rojava declares independence, sets its militias, suppress nationalism doctrine, establishes the communes as economic system, the popular assemblies as a political system, the struggle against patriarchy and declared the liberation of peoples freely associated above interests as nations and joining to the internationalist effort. Although the Autonomous project is more libertarian anarchist seem to go on the right track. Tctk
________

Introduction: 
Since the Kobanê siege started I have been dedicated several hours per week to understand and divulgate as much as possible about this social revolution initiated in a combination of Apoism and the Syrian Civil War. As a militant, I always have been involved in international solidarity. As an Arab descendent, I always have been trying to find a reliable left-wing force combining direct action and internal democracy. As a scholar and a Professor of Geopolitics studying the region for more than 25 years, Rojava is a dream coming true. Here I start the first of some interviews to organizations with real experience in this process and on the ground. This one I’m talking to Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet (DAF, or Revolutionary Anarchist Action). They have been very active in this activity and understand in details the whole Kurdish process, both in Rojava and inside the Turkish State frontiers.

E&A - It is possible to understand the PKK (PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistani, Kurdistan Workers' Party) as a politico-military force remodeled from the thought of their historic leader (and stuck with life sentence) being transferred organically for the whole organization? Hence we have two questions in sequence: you can imagine the reproduction of these ideas beyond a certain cult of personality around the image of Abdullah Ocalan (Apo)? And, it will be possible to universalize the proposals of the PKK-KCK (Koma Civakên Kurdistan, Group of Communities in Kurdistan) beyond national issue not resolved yet of the Kurds?

DAF - We have to see the issue as Kurdish Freedom Movement. PKK is one organization of Kurdish people who has been giving struggle not just for 30 years but hundred years. Especially after 2000s party has changed its ideology, strategy and character. So the critics about the movement have always same habit to take PKK as the same party as 80s-90s. Just for remember, PKK claimed a freedom not just for Kurdish people but a freedom for all people who are oppressed in Middle East. Think about Rojava, PYD (Democratic Union Party, in Kurdish: Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat), is struggling not just for the Kurds, Ezidis, Turkmens, Shias, Alawis whom Daesh (ISIS or ISIL or IS, Islamic State) want to destroy.

E&A - Is observable a strategic problem for Rojava revolution. I do explain: the live border and that one which is possible to be used as sanctuary is with the KRG (Kurdish Regional Government in Irak, besides being the epicenter of the war is in Kobanê. It is observed that if there is no reinforcement of peshmerges (professional KRG’s forces), probably the anti-Isis US-led coalition would not be bombarding the jihadists positions. Soon, the Alliance between PKK-PYD and the KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party, Partîya Demokrata Kurdistanê, or PDK) and its coalition with Massoud Barzani ahead of KRG cabinet could imply an inevitable approach to the West? It is possible to survive as a revolutionary process if this depends on military aid physically KRG and the West?

DAF - We have to see the role of peshmerges. It has been neary one and half month that they did not do anything for Rojava. When YPG (People's Protection Units, in Kurdish: Yekîneyên Parastina Gel) and YPJ (Women's Protection Units, in Kurdish: Yekîneyên Parastina Jinê), the self-defense organizations of Rojava people got 60% control of Kobanê, the forces of Barzani decided to come to help. It is obvious that this was a strategic action for Barzani. Barzani declared as there was no Rojava Revolution two years before and we have to see this, US and other western countries do not support Kobanê resistance. After Rojava Revolution, the western powers did not accept the political existence of PYD or the cantons of Rojava. So the best solution for them is Barzani who has no problem with capitalist or statist politics. Moreover, Barzani's KDP is the brother party of Recep Erdogan's AKP (Justice and Development Party, Turkish: Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi). Under these circumstances, people in Rojava need any kind of support. This does not mean that they can get help from any capitalist or statist power. But it is like, YPG-YPJ is giving struggle against ISIS, Al-Nusrat Front (an affiliated Al-Qaeda group)..., but also giving strategic struggle against Turkey, Esad's Syria (Bashir Al Assad), Barzani's Kurdistan and all capitalist powers.

E&A - Still within the strategic theme; by all indications, the Government of Turkey is favoring the supply lines and leaving the ISIS to strengthen within the territory under the control of the Turkish army. Apparently, this is caused because the realistic calculation of Ankara and the AKP government, considering to be less dangerous a proposition of "caliphate" – or the return of the Ummah – compared to an idea of Kurdish separatism, or even political autonomy for Rojava inside the failure State of Syria? From the Turkish position, how to evaluate the dispute between the other States operating through Sunni Jihadists, like Saudi Arabia and Qatar?

DAF - In the mainstream media, it is hard to find some of the news about Turkish support to ISIS. It is not just weapon support, nor it is a neutral position. As you have stated, there is an obvious logistic support from Sunni countries to ISIS, but the thing that we should never forget the hidden relations of ISIS with capitalist western powers. The scene is clear that a terrorist İslamic group is strengthening the hands of US, especially in Middleeast.

E&A - Getting into the theme of the Syrian civil war, what can be seen today is a growing war between Sunnis and Shiites, and going together, a war between ISIS (and before Front Al-Nusra Front) and the attempted conquest of Kobanê. Considering this reality, what would be the role of the Free Syrian Army today (FSA)? This force still has some protective power – as the Qatar-or was dropped on condition of a secondary YPG ally? We can consider Qatar the major funder of the FSA? And, maybe that's why, whereas both FSA as YPG are also opponents of the Assad regime, Damascus and its allies (financiers) preferred to release the area of Aleppo and Raqqa for ISIS operations, allowing the Sunni Jihadists advance against Rojava?

DAF - As we stated before, some of the strategic actions like struggle against ISIS with FSA does not represent the real political view of PYD. So this kind of cooperation is the result of the circumstances in Syria and Rojava. The cooperation between the organizations and groups shouldn't be taken as the results of the real policies of the organizations and groups. The war in Rojava, more in Syria still continues, so it is hard for us to determine the allies. It is far away from the solidarity of the revolutionaries for Kobanê Resistance and Rojava Revolution.

E&A - I understand, even at a distance glance that for the States of Turkey, Syria (what was left of this) and Iran, a Western Kurdistan with political autonomy and a society working in secular and egalitarian basis implies an insoluble problem. Would be the proposal of PYD not formally separate from Syria, but obtain a status of an autonomy Federated policy on Syria, as well as a future rearrangement with Iraq and the Government of Irbil (KRG’s capitol). Turkey would tolerate a similar Statute, even though it has the second largest army of NATO and the biggest contingent on a State with the major population being Islamic? If the Turkish Kurdistan received such status, what would prevent a Confederation with the Syrian Kurdistan? And, if so, what would be the reaction of the KRG and the coalition of the right wing and pro-Western Kurdish parties, like the KDP?

DAF - These scenarios are being talked as the war in Syria has been finished. It is really hard to estimate how these wars shape the Middle East. Rojava's three cantons have declared their freedom nearly 2,5 years before without caring what will be the reaction of Esad, Erdogan or Barzani. Three of these declared that they did not recognize the self-governance of Rojava cantons. Moreover, they still do not talk the political existence of Rojava. Comrade, we have to see that, during these two years the states around Rojava have change their politics in their region with the decisive struggle of Rojava's free people. They try to find some ways to control the freedom of Rojava. The main scenario is Rojava will be a federation which is part of Esad's Syria. But which Syria we are talking about, what is the power of Esad in Syria or will be an Esad who leads Syria? The second scenario Rojava will be a part of Barzani's Kurdistan. That would be the aim of Barzani, but the principles that hold Kobanê against ISIS are not frightened ISIS but also Barzani. Because Rojava Revolution declared itself as an anticapitalist, antistatist, women and ecology centered revolution.

E&A - It would be interesting for the KRG that Washington no longer considers the PKK-HPG (People's Defense Force, in Kurdish: Hezen Parastina Gel) as a terrorist force? This would enable a request for freedom for Ocalan, reinforcing the leadership of this political force?

DAF - This is one of the constant political issues in Turkey. Kobanê Resistance and Rojava Revolution strength not just to position of the Kurds live in Rojava but also in Turkey, Iran and Iraq. So this occasion has some results in political, social and economic arena. But we have to keep in mind the political power of Erdogan's AKP which does not hesitate to express their ideas in international politics.

E&A - How do you project the existence of a legal sovereignty and political autonomy status to Rojava considering some fundamental themes like: movement of currency (what it would be like? would exists a Central Bank?); trade relations with other territories (for example, in the petroleum trade); belonging to a territorial Federation (as in a reorganized Syria or Federated to KRG); and what concrete measures would be instituted trough Democratic Confederalism with full territorial unity and existence of the three cantons?

DAF - 2,5 years before, after declaring the freedom of Rojava cantons; Rojava people started to organize the economy by instituting the collective lands to the people; open Mala Gels (House of People) and Mala Jins (House of Women) to organize society in a direct democratic way. These houses are the real political centers where people from that region discuss political and social issues together and decide what to do. They organize the juridical process with themselves without any court, any lawyer or judge. Social justice is not provided with any kind of central power like state. No school, but there is free knowledge sharing like Zapatistas Soil Universities.

We have to accept that Rojava Revolution is not an anarchist revolution. But there is no question mark about it is social revolution. The political existence of Rojava is not a part of Esad's Syria or part of Iraqi Kurdistan. We are talking about a federation which declared itself as anticapitalist. Now it is useless to be worry of the future of Rojava if they trade with capitalist or cooperate with states... Let's make bigger the revolutionary solidarity and let's take part in this social revolution, so that we don't have so many things to worry. As DAF, we have also mentioned the position of ours in a text about Kobanê Resistance; we are not fortunetellers that we don't guess the political position of Rojava after 10 years or 50 years. But we are revolutionary anarchist, we have to take part in the social movements and shape the movements.

E&A - What would be the concrete results of the mass policies through KCK organizers and democratization proposals from the municipal policy autonomy in Turkish Kurdistan?

DAF - The real misunderstanding of international social opposition is to differentiate the policies of Kurdish Movement (HDP - Peoples' Democratic Party, in Turkish: Halkların Demokratik Partisi) or other institutions that are accepted by Turkish State; and PKK (which is referred as a terrorist organization by the state). The realization chance of the democratic institutions policies depend on the struggle of the Kurdish people which is referred as terrorism. So we have to understand the issue "struggle against Turkish State's assimilation politics" as a whole meaning. There is no movement, policy or institution which is expressed itself as away from the struggle of PKK and named itself as a part of this struggle. So the results of any policies depend of the success of Kurdish people organized struggle, PKK. This situation may be a part of another kind of political culture situated in Middle East far from European one.

-DAF as an anarchist force do take part of some coordination of alliances with the KCK or the DTK (Democratic Society Congress, in Turkish: Demokratik Toplum Kongresi)? As anarchists, how do you evaluate these activities with other social forces? And, in this sense, how to assess the electoral participation of the Alliance BDP (Peace and Democracy Party, in Turkish: Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi, in Kurdish: Partiya Aştî û Demokrasiyê), BDP /HDP?

DAF - Related with the answer of the question above, DAF take PKK as the real subject of this matter. Especially after the change in paradigm in 2000s, after Ocalan declared as PKK is not a Marxist-Leninist movement anymore and reference Bookchin, Bakunin and Kropotkin, it is impossible for DAF not to be interested with this change in theory. We have experienced the changes in practices day by day. Direct Democracy took an important place for this realization in politics. Although there are some critics from European anarchist as they were still a part of Marxist ideology, we are witnessing the changing not just in sharing the same political arena (that is struggle against the state), but we are witnessing the harmony of the theory and practice in Rojava Revolution. The institiutions like KCK, DTK, DBP/HDP, these could be some strategies of movement in Parliament, juridical system... We can criticize these strategies but we do not take these institutions as they are other organizations who aims other policies. Like we do not vote for HDP of DBP, because we have other kind of strategy in parlamentary democracy, this doesn't make us to degrade these institutions with PKK.

E&A - Whereas the Democratic Confederalismo is inspired in anarchism, we assume that there is an approximation and sympathy between the anarchist ideas and the current thought of the Kurdish left. This assessment is correct? Could you specify in which sense?

DAF - As stated above, especially after 2000s new paradigm appeared in Kurdish Movement referenced especially Bookchin and Kropotkin, Bakunin (maybe Michael Albert in economy). So this is a good step for a popular movement. Kurdish people are giving struggle not just for 30 years, they are giving struggle for decades. For revolutionary anarchists, it is a good momentum for us, that organization of this liberation struggle referenced anarchism. It is a good time for us to socialize anarchism in the lands where people live without states for decades. A social revolution could be prepared just as if it got socialized. We, as DAF, are not anarchists just to write some texts and live anarchism in our closed groups as some comrades in Europe do. We aim social revolution, we are giving struggle in every meaning, so this is a good step for us to socialize anarchism.

E&A - Based on what we read, the DAF operates side by side with a front of pro-Rojava movements and as supporters of the Social Revolution in the region. This is generating an approximation of the Turkish left as a whole, may be marking a position strengthened between the pro-Kurdish social and political umbrella (DTK-KCK and legal political forces, DBP/HDP), leading the population to have an option in addition to the rivalry between the AKP and the Kemalists-Nationalists?

DAF is in solidarity with Rojava Revolution and Kobanê Resistance from the first day. Because, on 19th of July, the cantons of Rojava declared their independence against Esad's Syria, against ISIS, against Barzani and against all international economic and political powers that have goals in the region. DAF solidarity with the people of Rojava who are Kurds, Ezidi's, Shia's, Alawi's... because Rojava is a hope for the oppressed people living in Middle East and other parts of the world. Rojava shows that we manage to win against states, against capitalists.

Actually Rojava Revolution is like litmus paper for Turkish left. Because, some organizations and parties do not solidarity with revolution because of nationalistic views they got. Kurdish issue for social opposition in Turkish left is an important issue to see the effects of the state politics in socialism. Moreover, after the paradigm change in PKK, this situation makes some of socialist parties to hold off with Kurdish Movement. The behavior of anarchists in this manner is also important. We, as revolutionary anarchists coming from a tradition, where socialist did not even give importance to the liberation movements of the people in 3rd world countries but anarchist comrades constituted first liberation movements in Bulgaria, Greece, Macedonia, Armenia in 1850s, we are coming from traditions where anarchist comrades gave the first liberation struggles in South America, in Indonesia, in Philippines... This is not for to create a third front against Nationalists and AKP. DAF does not consider itself in Turkish parliamentary political agenda. This is a new front that is against parliamentary solutions for social, economic and political problems.

E&A - For what you might observe in Rojava and accompanying with greater proximity, what would be the greatest virtues of the social system being developed in the region? And, in this same sense, what would be the biggest weaknesses in the sense of PYD-TEV DEM (Movement for a Democratic Society, in Kurdish: Tevgera Civaka Demokratîk) may be establishing a new State in the region? What are they reproducing that may end in another State?

DAF - Comrades, we have to strength the position of social revolution in Rojava in its all meaning. The people who are giving struggle there, giving struggle not for building for another oppresive state. This is a struggle for social revolution without a state, without capitalism, without patriarchy... We know the scenarios about being united with Barzani's Kurdistan or being a confederation in Esad's Syria. Our role must be to get participate and keep the social revolution away from these scenarios. If the solidarity of the revolutionary people is enough to create this stateless solution, it is useless to be afraid from these scenarios. This is not just our position in Rojava, this is also the position of Kurdish Liberation Movement.

E&A - We understand that the theme of the emancipation and empowerment of women is a huge amount, implicating in a single interview, but we can notice that this is an asset and an arrangement of the Kurdish-majority social process (and not sectarian, this is clear). In which aspects the presence of women combatants in YPJ is transforming social relations in Kurdistan as a whole? This has a direct relation with the PKK and organic thought of the women participation in the HPG?

DAF - There appeared Mala Jins (Women House) from the first day of revolution in Rojava. Mala Jins, socialize awareness in the role of women in society, socialize struggle against the patriarchal culture, it socializes the importance of women in society. This effort is really important because ISIS and other radical Islamists try to shape whole region according to the values of their culture. Social revolution is not just a political change. We have to see the other changing like in women issue to understand the importance of Rojava Revolution.

E&A - To conclude, there is a great concern, because the facts are proving that Western societies (and their powers that be) observe the social process Rojava with sympathies and, in terms of behavior and rules of coexistence, the Kurdistan seems to be what the closest there is to a form of democratic, secular and liberal society. In the DAF’s vision is there a real risk of the Kurdish left end by approaching to the West in a hopeless way (depending on Western support) that it may end as a secular and proto-State with gender equality (which is an achievement for the region) rather than a social revolution with real chances to build another society?

DAF - As we have written "We are not fortunetellers, we can't possibly know what will happen in Rojava a month or a year from now. We can't know that this social transformation which not only gives us hope as revolutionaries that struggle in a geographically close region, but also feeds our struggle in the regions that we struggle in, would move towards a positive or negative future. But we are revolutionary anarchists. We can't just sit aside, watch what's happening and comment; we take part in social struggles and take action for an anarchist revolution."

Long live the Rojava Revolution! 

Long live the Kobanê Resistance! 

Long live the Revolutionary Anarchism!

Bruno Lima Rocha has a PhD in Political Science and is a Professor of International Studies and Geopolitics teaching at three regional colleges and university in the South of Brazil.

Source: An Interview to a DAF militant about the solidarity for Rojava social process - Anarkismo

Em portugues: Uma entrevista com um militante do DAF sobre a solidariedade pelo processo social em Rojava - Anarkismo
En español: Entrevista a militante del DAF: el avance de la Revolución Social en Rojava y las amenazas con que se enfrenta

International support call: Kobane’s Second Phase, Resistance and Necessities

After 134 days of fierce resisting and defending. The women, men and their combatants with the support and solidarity from millions of people around the world had finally defeated the vicious attack from ISIS and liberated their town Kobane.

This was not just a defeat for ISIS and it's dream to establish an Islamic Kelifat. But it had also destroyed the ISIS's ally the current Turkish government's dream to resurrect a Neu-othman empire.

The attack on Kobane was a proxy war launched by ISIS on behalf of the regional regimes and others against the bravery people in Kobane and the Democratic Self administration (DSA).

This war has left a great impact on people of Kobane socially and psychologically and including the people who left the town and sought refuge in the neighboring regions.

The war is not over yet. The ISIS is still intimidating and threatening the villages around Kobane with their frightening missions and propaganda. Obviously, this threat will remain until their total eradication from the region.

We are now in the second stage of resistance and that is to deal with the aftermath of the war. Clearing the land mines, unexploded bombs and explosives. Clearly, this operation cannot be achieved by the people of Kobane. This needs technical support and expertise.

To rebuild Kobane: the people of this town need the international solidarity from the vast majority of people in the world in order to save the Democratic Self Administration. This is the only way to protect the revolution there. Asking the international finance bodies and big corporations to help with the rebuilding of the town is not the best option. In fact this approach as the history tells us might well results in destroying the revolution altogether.

Some suggestions for the international solidarity and support in reconstruction of Rojava :
1- Forming committees and associations to collect money, reconstruction materials and cleaning the environment especially in Kobane .

2- Opening bank accounts for donation and making contribution under the control of the Rojava Solidarity groups in towns and countries.

3- Forming different groups and committees in the towns of any countries where is possible to collect anything, any materials that Rojave needs for reconstruction. Ensuring that whatever has been collected will be transferring quickly and safely to Rojava. Setting up storages on the borders of Kurdistan region of Iraq, Iran and Turkey before transferring them to Rojava through opening of humanitarian corridor.

4- Collecting medicine and hospital equipments to all three Cantons of Rojava: Jazeera, Kobane and Efrin.

5- Building schools, hospitals, play fields and special places for rehabilitation and psychological supports of war's victims and refugees.

6- Providing independent telephone lines and Internet connection to all three Cantons : Efrin, Jazerra and Kobane, not relying on neighbouring countries lines any more, the lines and Internet connection should be outside of their control.

7- Allowing the volunteers who can help physically and mentally to go there in order to participate directly to support people and also helping in reconstruction of Kobane and the rest of Rojava.

8- Allowing the volunteers who are expert in energy fields, agriculture, industries and building construction to participate and offer whatever they can.

9-Any steps that will be done must be in consultation with the local people in Rojava who involved in Communes and the rest of the other local groups with coordination with people of DSA and they should be the decision makers.

10- We see the participating and solidarity to Rojava as an anarchist natural practical duty. We hope the above suggestions and some more from other comrades be put in practice. We believe this practical work should not be just related to Rojava , but can be considered to anywhere in this world especially those places that has been destroyed by war. This can be an evident that anarchists work in rebuilding the society in every aspects of life.

We believe that nothing is perfect and immune from criticism, so do these suggestions. We hope our suggestion create debates and discussion among all the anarchist comrades . We also like to stress that our suggestions are not just about Kobane / Rojava because there is possibility that we face the same duty in elsewhere in this world in nearest future.

Kurdistan Anarchist Forum (KAF), 4th Feb 2015

Source- Kobane’s Second Phase: Resistance and Necessities IFA-Leeds

Translated into spanish- Segunda Fase en Kobane. Resistencia y Necesidades

To know more:

COMITÉ DE SOLIDARIDAD CON ROJAVA Y EL PUEBLO KURDO [Es]
Tarcoteca: Kurdish change towards libertarian Ideas. The Democratic Confederalism
Interview with the Kurdistan Anarchists Forum (KAF) about the situation in Iraq/Kurdistan [en] 2014
Solidaridad con la resistencia del pueblo kurdo en Kobane 2014
Kurdistan Anarchist Forum [en]
FAQ about the Kurdistan Anarchist Forum | Tahrir-ICN [en] 2013

Kurdish change towards libertarian Ideas. The Democratic Confederalism

In July 2006, died Murray Bookchin. Between the messages sent in memory of this important theoretical libertarian was one that could surprise those who had only a superficial knowledge of the Kurdish cause and struggle against imperialism.

The PKK expressed at the death of Bookchin its recognition as one of "the greatest social scientists of the twentieth century," the PKK recognized the contribution that his ideas had made to the development of socialist theory and expressed  that "His Theses on the state, power and hierarchy will be implemented and developed through our struggle", and following these ideas the PKK promised to implement the democratic confederalism.

What happened in order that from early writings quoting Stalin, Lenin or Mao now the emphasis is put on the libertarian Murray Bookchin?

Kurdish change towards libertarian Ideas
The Workers' Party of Kurdistan PKK was constituted in 1978 in the turkish kurdistan [kurd is a people divided in four nations: Turkey, Iran, Irak an Siria]. This political organization emerged with very clear ideas: establishing an independent socialist Kurdish State. The PKK in its early documents reflected this ideology. In its manifesto the PKK was defined as "a political organization under the guidance of scientific socialism" and, even critical with considered opportunists and revisionists policies of the USSR at that time, the PKK was in favor of socialist and national liberation struggle under the auspices of the Soviet Union.

The development of both, the fighting that PKK undertake, and changes in international geopolitics, affect deeply the program and structure of the Kurdish party. Unlike other political movements the PKK is able to make a critical reading of reality. The party is able to analyze the events surrounding the Soviet system and the ideas of socialism and national liberation movements.

In this sense the 1995 Party Congress exemplified for the first time in a more obvious way the changes that have taken place. The resolution of this Congress and qualifies the period dominated by Soviet influence as a phase of "primitive and brutal socialism" and calls for a new period in the socialist struggle. Not only this, but the abandonment of the hammer and sickle of the flag, or replacement of the "Central Committee" with "Party Assambly", will evidence this evolution in the conception of Kurdish liberation movement socialism.

The biggest changes come in the late 90s, the process of ideological evolution of the party continues above all from the hand of its leader, Abdullah Öcalan, and his arrest in 1999 marked a turning point in the history of the Kurdish liberation movement.

The new situation of Öcalan will be used by the Kurdish leader as a space for negotiation with the Turkish state and in turn to be a booster for the new ideas that were taking place in the PKK and which Öcalan was working. Documents in defense that PKK leader written was two documents about historical and political analysis that start developing the new paradigms for Kurdish liberation movement.

But still took a few years until the new theoretical framework was fully developed and matured by Abdullah Öcalan. Between 1999 and 2004, in which are consolidated the new ideas and the new structure of the Kurdish liberation movement, there was a fundamental element that will allow precisely the new paradigm of the Kurdish movement develops as we now know it.

In 2002 Öcalan begun study the work of Bookchin, finding in it a great inspiration and recommending reading for militants and Kurdish politicians.

In 2004 Öcalan is clear about his affinity to the ideas developed by Bookchin in his work . Only a year after the new ideology of the Kurdish liberation movement is mature and officially launched in parallel to the organizational restructuring of the movement.

On March 20, 2005 is announced the formation of the Koma Komalen Kurdistan (which was later renamed as Koma Civakên Kurdistan - Kurdistan Communities Union) and democratic confederalism is defined as the ideology of the new organization and the model to liberation of the Kurdish and the Middle East peoples .

The Democratic Confederalism
The Democratic Confederalism is already a complete system that concludes this process of change and impasse in which both, the ideology and the structure of the PKK, appeared to be and begins a new period marked by these new paradigms.

The democratic confederalism does not interpret the right to self-determination and the right to establish a Kurdish nation-state, because considers that it would only "replace old with new chains". In opposition it is presented a model of self-government that is built on "self-management local communities and organized in open councils [...]. The citizens themselves are the actors of a government of this sort, not the state authorities"so express Öcalan.

As an integral vision of liberation society, democratic confederalism has a strong anti-capitalist character. In his objection to the capitalist economy propose an economic system based on "ecological and economic communes", basis for the creation of an economic system that obeys to meet the fundamental needs of society and not for profit, and which is capable of protecting the environment. The importance of creating an ecological society is another pillar of democratic confederalism and is a clear example of imprinting that Bookchin has had on this.

Finally, about those pillars to point we have to speak of the women liberation. Women self-organization within the movement is a fundamental element and the fight against patriarchy is a fundamental part of the Kurdish revolutionaries program. As Öcalan says, "without the free woman can not be a free Kurdistan".

In the four parts of Kurdistan the Kurdish liberation movement is struggling to build a free society. Northern Kurdistan and Rojava are the clearest examples where despite the massive repression and war, democratic confederalism is running.

The Kurdish revolutionary movement along with his brothers peoples are giving a lesson to the world. Democratic modernity against capitalist modernity, against the history of occupation, colonialism and invasion, the Kurds are building a democratic, egalitarian and free society.

Source: http://www.cnt.es/noticias/rojava-una-lucha-con-sustrato-libertario,
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